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February 10, 2026 Agency Capture Big Pharma Views

Policy

The MAHA Agenda Is Urgent — Its Success Depends More Than Ever on Bottom-Up Support

What began as a bottom-up reform movement led by the vision, charisma and energy of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. now operates far closer to the center of executive authority. But proximity to power comes with tradeoffs, and MAHA is evolving. That evolution brings opportunity and danger in equal measure.

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Washington has entered a new phase of consolidation — and Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) is feeling the pull.

What began as a bottom-up reform movement led by the vision, charisma and energy of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (RFK Jr.) — challenging regulatory capture, pharmaceutical pricing power and a sclerotic public-health status quo — now operates far closer to the center of executive authority.

That shift reflects political reality as much as strategy: recent polling suggests MAHA’s mass-market momentum has plateaued, Republican candidates have underperformed in several early contests, and the White House has moved to assert tighter control over health policy messaging.

This moment calls for clarity, not retreat. MAHA’s underlying agenda remains urgent and necessary.

TrialSite remains directionally supportive of MAHA reforms promulgated by RFK Jr., MAHA Action and the medical freedom movement. The open question is how to advance reform without losing the friction — and credibility — that made the movement effective in the first place.

Public polling in January paints a mixed picture. Awareness of MAHA themes is high, but behavior change is flat, particularly around ultraprocessed foods. Are obesity rates in America going to come down any time soon?  What about chronic disease rates? It’s a big task.

Troubling establishments, vaccine confidence appears to have softened, providing opponents with a powerful line of attack that risks overshadowing MAHA’s broader platform. At the same time, healthcare costs dominate kitchen-table anxiety, an area where Democrats continue to hold a trust advantage.

Although with TrumpRx and a few other efforts, there is at least a discussion coming from the administration. The signal is not that MAHA’s diagnosis is wrong, but that persuasion must now deliver tangible, non-ideological results.

Against this backdrop, the White House has stepped in to coordinate — and increasingly own — the narrative. Recent “wins” emphasize website (TrumpRx) launches, funding announcements and new offices.

Compassion, recovery and access are foregrounded; structural power realignment becomes far less visible. Strategically, this is understandable: stabilize the brand, broaden appeal and reduce exposure to the most politically combustible issues.

There is real substance behind some of this shift. MAHA’s presence inside the government has produced movement. At the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, RFK Jr. has elevated food additive reform, transparency and post-market accountability — areas long criticized across the political spectrum.

At the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, Commissioner Marty Makary has pushed visible modernization, including risk-based labeling, publication of Complete Response Letters, artificial intelligence-assisted review pilots and renewed scrutiny of generally recognized as safe or GRAS loopholes.

These are not cosmetic gestures; they are institutional course corrections with long-term implications. Makary is also launching attacks on D2C compounding supply chains, to the delight of big pharma such as Novo Nordisk and Eli Lilly.

Yes, proximity to power carries tradeoffs. When MAHA shifts from demanding change to celebrating implementation, it gains access while risking the serious leverage it needs for longer-term, deeper reform. The movement begins to look less like an external reform force and more like a validator of executive branding.

TrumpRX illustrates the tension. Launched by President Donald Trump alongside Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services leadership, it is framed as a historic reduction in drug prices.

In practice, it functions as a cash-pay, direct-to-consumer portal layered onto existing supply chains. For a minority of patients — particularly those facing high copays — it may offer some relief.

For the vast overwhelming majority of Americans, who obtain prescriptions through Medicare Part D, employer plans, Medicaid or managed-care intermediaries, it leaves untouched the mechanisms that drive prices: pharmacy benefit managers (PBM) spread pricing, rebate walls, reimbursement design and employer-insurance capture, not to mention in some cases, predatory and/or monopolistic pricing schemes.

This is not a fatal flaw, but it is an incomplete intervention being marketed as a systemic fix.

A similar pattern appears in addiction and homelessness policy. Announcements emphasize compassion and intent, yet funding levels remain de minimis relative to the scale of the problem, program structures, while espoused as novel, are familiar (bundled, repackaged from different sources) and the incentives sustaining the treatment-industrial complex largely persist.

Likewise, opening a National Institutes of Health research office for East Palestine promises answers — but not yet accountability, remediation or compensation. These are steps forward, not endpoints.

Notably absent from recent MAHA “wins” lists are the hardest fights: PBM antitrust action, Medicare Part D redesign, PREP Act and vaccine-injury compensation reform, emergency-power rollback and chronic-disease reimbursement reform. What about SAR-CoV-2 origins and ubiquitous biolabs?

A substantial segment of the medical freedom movement calls for mRNA vaccines to be pulled from the market. What about pesticides, and what could amount to waivers for some of the largest chemical companies? Naming entrenched power centers invites resistance — and resistance carries political risk.

In a fragile polling environment, message discipline has been prioritized over confrontation. Particularly with midterms around the corner — and a vulnerable Republican party.

MAHA should accept the help — but not surrender the mission. Its strength has always been a willingness to say what others won’t, grounded in evidence and outcomes.

The path forward is not louder slogans, but scorecards: linking food reform to obesity and SNAP composition (which RFK Jr. is trying to accomplish), drug access to total out-of-pocket spend and regulatory reform to timelines, reversals and post-market signals. Trust must be measured — and earned.

MAHA is not fading; it is evolving — now operating inside the halls of apex power rather than shouting from the outside. That evolution brings opportunity and danger in equal measure.

The central challenge is no longer access, which has been achieved, but conversion: translating reform energy into durable, system-level results without allowing proximity to power to soften purpose or blunt accountability. Access is useful.

Independence is non-negotiable. And without sustained, mission-critical pressure from the ground up, even the most well-intentioned reforms risk being absorbed, rebranded and neutralized by the very systems they set out to change.

The next chapter will not belong to those who merely occupy power — but to those who can hold power and still push against it, led by dedicated activists who refuse to stop holding institutions to account.

Originally published by TrialSite News

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